Just Africa

Force Feeding is a Violation of Human Rights

Its name is “leblouh” or intensive force-feeding, and its victims are young girls. The price: her health, future, happiness and dreams. In the African country of Mauritania young girls are terrified of food because the more they are forced to eat, the closer they are to early marriage, young motherhood and deferring their ambitions of working in the professional world, as doctors, nurses, and teachers.

 

The process of “leblouh” entails placing young girls in a camp during school breaks where they are broken down and told that “thin women are inferior” and that men find skinny women revolting. In one camp, the girls are EACH fed 40 egg-size balls of oil foods in addition to 12 pints of goat’s milk and gruel. The total intake for the day equals 14, 000-16,000 calories, this  is 10,000-12,000 more calories than is recommended for a male body builder to intake in a day. If the girl refuses to eat she is beaten and tortured via the placement of two sticks around one toe, which is then squeezed. Even more disturbing: if she vomits the food, she must drink it.

Girls between the ages of 5-14 go through this fattening process. The aim of which is to make them more attractive to their male counter-parts. It is said that Mauritanian men like their women to be fat. Overweight women are sexy and erotic; the fatter the woman, the more beautiful and appealing she is to them. This preference for bigger women dates back to the ancient Moors (nomadic Muslims of the Arabic and Berber stock) who desired fatter wives, as it was a symbol of a man’s wealth. A fat wife meant that the man could afford to hire maids and servants to do the heavy housework, which left his wife plenty of time to lounge around and eat to her heart’s desire.

 

While the end result is aesthetically pleasing to men, the women pay a hefty price for this beauty ideal. Mauritanian women are literally DYING to be beautiful. These young girls are prone to diabetes, heart disease, depression, hypertension, and low self-esteem. The extra fat creates the illusion of a physically more mature girl, a 14 year-old can look 30 with the added fat, this makes it easier for her to marry at a younger age, giving her ambitions an earlier deferral. Marie Claire Magazine reported Dr. Mohammed Ould Madene, an emergency specialist saying, “The fat ideal is a grave matter of public health” he continued to describe a case where a 14-year-old girl was rushed to the hospital because her heart had collapsed under the enormous weight of her body. Sadly this is becoming all too common.  Older married women, desperate to maintain their weight and keep their husbands, go to the black market to purchase drugs to aid in their weight gain. As MC reported, one woman bought weight gain pills that can cause low blood pressure, kidney failure, and blurred vision if she were to misuse it. The woman did this in response to her husband telling her that he “didn’t like sleeping with a bag of bones”. In another case, a pregnant woman died after taking animal hormones in an attempt to give birth to a fat baby.

 

Before the military coup in August 2008, the practice of “leblouh” was declining in Mauritania; there were even some claims that “leblouh” was extinct. However, after the coup, which replaced the democratic government with a Junta (it became official after the July 2009 election) traditional rules became law. When this happened there was a push for women to revert back to traditional roles, hence “leblouh” became the standard for young girls. According to the Mauritanian Government, before the coup, 20-30 % of girls in the urban areas practiced “leblouh” while in the rural areas 50-60% of girls went through the process of “leblouh”. Now however, approximately 80% of girls undergo “leblouh” regardless of their location.

 

While the Mauritanian government has not legalized this deplorable practice, it has made attempts to stop it by implementing information campaigns about the dangers of diabetes and heart disease, one of which included ballads condemning fattening. In 2010, the Mauritanian government plans to launch a program along with the UN Population Fund that is aimed at eliminating harmful practices, including force-feeding to women.

Cote d'Ivoire watches election date roll by

    Last week Côte d’Ivoire declared a “slight change” of the Nov. 29 election date. It is the latest in a long series of delays and at a glance really just seems to be more of the same in the frustratingly cumbersome progress of democratization across the continent. The announcement came from CI’s independent electoral commission president, Robert Mambe who said that the delay was a result of the length of time taken to compile the provisional voter list.
    So what’s the deal in Cote d’Ivoire? Following the introduction of multiparty elections in the early 90s and then the death of its first president in soon after the country struggled with squabbling between the political parties. When the economic situation worsened in the late 90s political tensions rose and the blame game turned along divisive ethnic lines. This led to a 1999 coup and eventually outright civil war in 2002 which has left the country divided between the north and south. Eventually an integrated transitional government was agreed upon.
    Original plans to hold elections in October 2005 failed after local parties and political leaders were unable to cooperate with rebels in the north, claiming that the government would rig any elections. Thanks to a U.N. backed peace agreement the current president remained in power for another year in order to facilitate elections. In November 2006 there were still no elections or concrete plans for them and the U.N. voted to extend the transitional government until Oct 31, 2007, the new date for elections.  After this date comes and goes President Gbagbo announces in April 2008 that elections will be held on Nov 30 2008. One month before that the election is postponed to Dec. 31st after failures to progress in voter registration and military disarmament. Elections are reset to Nov 29.
    Truthfully, the latest delay can hardly be seen as surprising. Like so many other conflicts in Africa, the rebels once unified have splintered as the crisis has dragged on. Disarmament however has not been the most pressing problem. The most politically sensitive issue remains that of nationality and who is eligible to vote. The divisive debate harkens back to the days of Houphouet’s successor Henri Konan Bédié’s political feud with northern rival Alassan Outarra whom he tried do disqualify from presidential eligibility by questioning his nationality. The U.N. has called for accelerating the remaining technical steps, such as the printing and distribution of national identity and voter cards. However official papers dispersion has been poor even before the first coup in 1999.
    The on-going crisis in Cote d’Ivoire is only one of the latest to strike the region of West Africa, which has accounted for 60% of Africa’s military interventions since the 1970s. The case of Côte d’Ivoire is especially troubling, as it had once been hailed as a model of both political stability and economic success. Successful polls would, according to a Reuters report earlier this year, “lure investors back to a nation that was the economic and political powerhouse of West Africa but has seen poverty rates rise to almost 50 percent from 38 percent since 2002, according to government figures.” However, so far, leaders on both sides of the conflict seem more interested in maintaining their own success (however limited) than ensuring the ability for citizens to take back control of their nation.

Vital Voices: Civil Society in Guinea

In the mid 1950s, Martin Luther King, Jr. pushed for a substitution of  “tired feet for tired souls” to spur the Montgomery boycotts. With the brutality of the September 28th attacks in Guinea already behind us, it is difficult to take the focus off of the exhaustion of our souls in the fight for peace and fair governance.

Though the public health facilities reported the death toll at 56, official reports cite that 151 people were killed and at least another 1,200 were injured in stadium protests in Conakry led by the opposition. Brewing ethnic tensions may be keeping many away from hospitals, leaving additional wounded still uncounted. Women who have been victims of rape are in most need of counseling, which is currently underprovided. The renewed global commitment to protecting these women was made tangible by a unanimous vote on a UN resolution on sexual violence in conflict zones that occurred two days after the stadium attacks. The urgency for the implementation of this resolution is clear.

International schools in Conakry closed their doors on the 27th of September and most non-essential personnel of the diplomatic corps and international organizations have left Conkry. Guinean schools were re-scheduled to begin their academic year on October 15th, though it is not likely that they will open their doors in such a political climate

Yesterday marked the end of a two-day strike in the country called by trade unions to protest Camara’s leadership and successfully and nonviolently brought Conakry to a standstill as citizens stayed indoors and brought mining production, a major source of income, to a halt.

Politically, the situation continues to be difficult to navigate. Celou Dalein Diallo is the leader of the main opposition party and is currently in France recovering from injuries sustained at the stadium protests. Sidya Toure, a former prime minister, is the head of another opposition party, the Union of Republic Forces. The URF rejected Camara’s call for unity at the beginning of the month. Camara continues to express that though he is uncertain of whether he will stand for re-election, that his natural rights as a Guinean citizen should not obstruct such a decision. Given the outbreak of violence on the 28th, Toure and Guinean civil society find this to be an unacceptable possibility.

Pressure from the international community, though slightly late on the uptake, needs to grow from here with only four days left before the opposition’s deadline for Camara to announce his commitment to not be involved in the upcoming election cycle in January 2010. The EU’s development commissioner, Karel de Gucht has already begun calls for Camara to be held accountable for crimes against humanity.

My soul’s exhaustion is mostly caused by the anxiety of what may happen if actions taken to secure Guineans’ right to freely choose their own representation do not begin to gain more decisive momentum before Saturday. With my mother poised behind blue helmets but with little concern for self when faced with others’ suffering, the anxiety is heightened. With the prospect of the breakout of ethnic tensions—though quite unlikely—given how her Tutsi features translate in an environment hostile to the Fulani, my mind is all the more occupied. But the call for stable governance precedes this. The argument for civil society’s right to hold leaders accountable to promises made as they ascended to power is worth fighting for. After his successful coup in December, Camara promised to not stand for re-election stating, "We are patriots, not hungry for power. We don't intend to stay in power forever." The international community must show its respect for Guinean civil society through “tired feet” supporting humanitarian efforts in the country and by looking towards Saturday as a strict deadline.

By Martine Randolph, Africa Action

Spotlight on Swaziland

When was the last time you looked at a map of Africa? I mean, really looked and took in the features – its size, the contours, the coastlines…the countries? Lets be honest, we all know at least one person (and it could even be yourself) who wonders whether its even possible to know all the countries in Africa (you know, the way we all memorized the fifty states….right?) The sad reality is that oftentimes the vast diversity of the African continent isn’t remembered – and, as this satirical skit points out, this neglect can have important consequences:   



While it may be a bit far-fetched (we should, after all, hope that our elected officials are using a correct map of the continent!) the clip does point to a larger problem: the dearth of even general knowledge about African countries, to the point that even those people who should probably know the most about issues in Africa (good – yes, there are successes – and bad) have gaps in their information.

Yet education is power in the struggle to place African issues on an even playing field with more, well-known regions of the world. To that end, this post will introduce the first of several spotlights on African countries, which will provide brief background and recent developments in countries whose stories are not necessarily in major newspapers, or on television, and whose images you may not be familiar with. Nevertheless, the people of these countries are a part of the approximately 1 billion Africans living across 53 countries on the continent – and learning about them can help bring you one country closer to knowing all about Africa!



With a population of about 1.1 million people, The Kingdom of Swaziland is a small, land-locked country – bordered in the north, west, and south by South Africa, and in the east by Mozambique. It is one of the world’s last remaining absolute monarchies. Despite Swaziland’s size (about that of New Jersey), it is divided into four regions – Hhohho, Lubombo, Manzini, and Shiselweni - each with administrators appointed by the King, and further governed by traditional chiefs.

With a long history of inhabitation pre-dating the colonial period, the Swazil Nation came under British rule of southern Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries. Following the Second Boer War, the country was named a British protectorate remained so until it achieved its independence in 1968. A delicate –and at times tenuous – balance between the monarchy and parliament currently governs the country, while activists who seek more democratic change in Swazi politics, continually call for improvements. However, King Mswati III has served as the nation’s king since 1986, and is noted to uphold the traditions of his father, including retaining firm control of power in the country. While student and labor activists in the 1990s, were able to exert pressure on the monarch to introduce political reforms, the long anticipated, new constitution – introduced in 2006 – left the status of political parties, previously banned, at best unclear.



Swaziland’s economy is fairly diversified, though it is primarily composed of services industry, manufacturing (particularly textiles and sugar), agriculture, and subsistence farming. While the government is seeking to improve the economic atmosphere in the country for foreign investment, as the country has ties to Taiwan, its economy remains closely linked to the South African economy, which imports about 70% of its products. Other key trading partners include the U.S. and the EU. As a member of the southern African Customs Union (SACU), Swaziland has also benefited from increased revenues and its external debt has declined significantly in the last 20 years.

Unfortunately, overgrazing, soil depletion, drought, and occasional floods pose problems for Swazi agriculture programs. At the same time, growth has been stymied by the effects of HIV/AIDS, as Swaziland is the country with the highest prevalence in the world of approximately 26.1%. Average life expectancy is just 31 years of age, according to the AVERT AIDS charity. Since the declaration of AIDS as a “national disaster” by the King in 1999, campaigns have been initiated through media, schools, and workplaces, and targeting vulnerable groups, such as orphans. Overall trends in 2009 indicated that HIV prevalence in the country is stabilizing; however, there is still much to be done – including more open debate on HIV issues and increased funding for prevention programs – to tackle the challenges of the disease.    

The majority of Swazi people live in rural areas and continue to engage in a variety of traditional practices. Traditional Foods include sishwala, a thick porridge normally served with meat or vegetables, sitfubi, fresh milk cooked and mixed with cornmeal, and siphuphe setindlubu, a thick porridge made of mashed groundnuts. Christian and indigenous beliefs are the major religions in the nation and the official languages of the country are English and SiSwati. One of most well-known Swazi customs is the annual Reed Dance



an 8-day ceremony held in late August or early September, where girls cut reeds which are then presented to the queen mother, and then perform a dance. Traditionally, only unmarried women without children may take part. The ceremony signifies the importance of preserving girls’ chastity, pays tribute to the Queen Mother, and encourages solidarity by working together.

Swaziland is a fascinating, if little known, country in Africa, whose stability is inevitably entwined with that of other, southern African countries. Keep reading Just Africa for more spotlights in the coming weeks. For additional information on HIV/AIDS in the region, check out resources on Africa Action’s website, including our latest press releases and talking points!

Africa Policy Outlook 2009 released! ...

Today Africa Action released its annual Africa Policy Outlook for 2009.  Our Policy Outlook highlights the key themes and trends in U.S. Africa policy that year. 

Check it out and post your comments here!

“...We recognize that the expectations for the new Administration are formidable. However President Obama can take a very first constructive step by initiating more collaborative models of policy design and implementation.  By engaging a broad spectrum of civil society organizations, and most importantly, taking into consideration the concerns of African people, U.S. policy in Africa could be much more successful and effective, particularly with regard to long term interest in promoting human rights, democracy and development...”

Zimbabwe's own never ending election

Last week Morgan Tsvangirai, Prime Minister-designate of the Zimbabwean government was not in attendance at talks in Swaziland on the crisis in his country because, according to the New York Times "President Robert Mugabe, refused to give him a passport.”

This comes over a month after SADC sponsored power sharing agreements were finalized and signed, in what most observers, including Africa Action and then President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, deemed a historic moment and precedent in African mediated solutions for African problems.

Since the signing on September 15, this bright vision has dimmed each day, however,  as the two main parties privy to the agreement, Zanu-PF (led by President Mugabe) and the Movement for Democratic Change (Morgan Tsvangirai) have deadlocked over the distribution of four key ministries: defense, foreign affairs, finance, and home affairs. The deal requires consensus over these ministries, yet critics predicted from the get-go that did not seem likely. This “limbo over key ministries” has only emphasized that the power-sharing agreement has really just come down to a power-getting battle.

What are the Real Issues in Somalia?

The recent hijacking of a Ukrainian arms ship off the coast of Somalia has thrust the world's most notorious "failed state" into the spotlight of mainstream Western media. While what appears to be a major weapons shipment to South Sudan is certainly noteworthy, it's unfortunate that it takes such a dramatic, sensational incident to get Somalia in the news. At today's critical political and humanitarian moment, the people of Somalia deserve attention for more than just this "pirate ship."

Here are some other less high profile Somalia stories to take your understanding of Somalia deeper than the pirate drama:

1) October 6: Fifty-two aid agencies working in Somalia released a damning statement urging a stronger international response to the deteriorating humanitarian crisis: "The international community has completely failed Somali civilians. We call on the international community to make the protection of Somali civilians a top priority now." 37,000 people have fled Mogadishu in the past few weeks. 870,000 have been displaced so far in 2008. The city is emptier than it was during the 1994 botched international intervention.

2) May 5: Somalis protest the deaths of civilians after the U.S. launches airstrikes into Somalia, targeting al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorists. Since January 2007, the U.S. has intervened with cruise missile assaults and air attacks multiple times in Somalia, with little success in eliminating key terrorist targets.

Ballots vs. Bullets in Kenya and Zimbabwe

This post, written by Africa Action's Briggs Bomba and edited by Africa Action board chair and Foreign Policy in Focus (FPIF) co-director Emira Woods, was originally published by FPIF here.

The world’s attention has been riveted in 2008 by election crises in Africa, first Kenya, and now Zimbabwe. In both cases, challenges remain in converting electoral victory to political power. Can a victorious opposition come to power in the face of an obstinate incumbent? This question is particularly relevant when the incumbent regime controls the coercive apparatus of the state and the opposition only has the ballot in its corner. In the battle of the ballot vs. the bullet, can there ever be a fair match?

Historically the answer has been no. But new developments on the democratic front in Africa in the last decade have strengthened election support and monitoring by key regional bodies, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU). In 2004, SADC adopted “Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections” aimed at “enhancing the transparency and credibility of elections and democratic governance as well as ensuring the acceptance of election results by contesting parties.”